1.4 Wetland cultures
'The archaeology record consists all too often of battered pieces of stone, lumps of corroded metal, fragments of indestructible pottery, shapeless banks of earth and amorphous hollows in the ground - axe-heads without handles, whorls without spindles, hinges without doors and unfurnished rooms.' So wrote Gordon Childe as a prelude to discussing the importance of ethnography for the archaeologist, but he could as well have been introducing the subject of wetland archaeology where axe- hafts and spindles abound, doors and rooms are identifiable and even furniture may survive. Whereas the loss of organic material is common on dryland sites, in wetlands where waterlogging followed close on decomposition, even quite fragile materials can survive for thousand of years. From structural timbers through composite artefacts such as arrows or sickles to string, nets and fishing lines, the wetland archaeologist is blessed with an abundance of evidence paralleled only on sites at the other extreme, in desiccated desert conditions.
The quality of the evidence for past human activity is also enhanced from wetlands by the relatively frequent preservation of undisturbed contexts. On a dryland settlement people trample their rubbish, dogs and pigs scavenge, and weathering can be severe. Subsequent peoples may plough or dig new foundations, while burrowing animals contribute to stratigraphic confusion. All these processes and the many others which reduce the archaeological record can take place in settlements on wetland margins, but there are times and contexts where water ensures immediate and undisturbed preservation. In the Somerset Levels, a wooden trackway built through dense reed swamp about 6000 years ago lay in the wet from the first, and the chips of wood axed off planks and pegs survived amidst the Phragmites rhizomes, along with diverseartefactsdropped by the track-builders and users. Rapid peat accumulation ensured that the structure was waterlogged and blanketed from an early date. In the circum-Alpine region, prehistoric settlers on the lake margins dropped their rubbish into the waters, and abandoned their dwellings when lake levels rose or when fire swept through the settlement and structures collapsed into the water. Continued sedimentation sealed structures and artefacts together, and although storm erosion and fluctuating water levels would affect some sites subsequently, others have survived untouched until the present day. In Florida, near the present Cape Canaveral, the Indians of 8000-7000 years ago wrapped their dead in matting bundles and laid them in a shallow pool, to be exposed again only in the last decade through drainage and housing development. These instances, which will be examined further below, illustrate the quality of evidence which wetlands can yield to the archaeologist, a record of the past which is both more complete and less disturbed than is the dryland norm.
Wetland archaeology also benefits from the close correlation of environmental evidence with that for human activity. A lakeside settlement may survive as several occupation layers, each of which contains pollen and plant macrofossils and perhaps beetle exoskeletons alongside the human debris, allowing the palaeo- environmentalist to fit the sequence of environmental change in the vicinity with episodes of occupation and abandonment of the settlement. Often, much of the evidence is both artefactual and environmental, and this is particularly true of structural timbers. An oak plank or post gives information about woodworking technology, about the nature of local woodlands and about the chronology of the structure or site it came from. Most of this information comes from tree-ring analyses, in particular from dendrochronology. The significance of recent developments in this field is explored further below, for its implications for our understanding of prehistory are enormous and barely recognized as yet.
1.4.1 Shellfish-eaters
However systematically archaeological digs are conducted, many of the prehistorians' discoveries have been made by chance. Since it is not possible to ransack the face of the whole world to find stone implements, burial places or other relics, it is to be hoped that when someone turns up something unusual he will be intelligent enough to inform the specialists.
Such a man was one Olsen, owner of Meilgaard Farm in northeast Jutland. In 1849, having decided to cut a road through his property, he told the workmen to dig into a mound near the seashore, covered with trees and brushwood. He believed it to contain gravel, but instead of gravel the labourers found beneath the top-soil a bed of shells over seven feet thick. Olsen was not disheartened; suitably pounded and crushed the shells would help to form a solid roadway. The fact of their being heaped was in no way surprising: piles of empty shells lay scattered all along the northern coasts of Denmark. But Olsen rubbed his eyes when the workmen brought out of this layer of shells flint implements, animals' bones and a four-toothed comb of bone, finely worked and pierced. Olsen sent the comb to the National Museum in Copenhagen.
It was a fortunate decision, for the packet was opened by Jens Jacob Asmussen Worsaae, a pioneer of prehistoric research. His interest roused, he began to wonder whether the sporadic heaps of shells along the Danish coasts might not be the work of primitive man. He immediately sent out a working party with instructions to make an inventory of the contents of several well known shell mounds. He himself went to Meilgaard Farm, to talk to Olsen, and had the good luck to discover in the mound several finds of the greatest interest.
He found that the oyster and mussel shells had been deliberately opened by people intending to eat the contents. Flint tools, polished and pointed antlers, bones from which the marrow had been scraped out, potsherds and cinders were brought out one after the other. All the evidence tallied: the piles of shells were the remains of meals left in heaps by men who fed upon molluscs collected at low tide. To what period should they be assigned? In his report Worsaae wrote cautiously: 'It seems permissible to suppose that this spot was one at which the local inhabitants of a very early period were wont to meet and have their meals.'
He was to be proved right. In the course of the next few years, especially in the 1890s, Danish prehistorians studied the problem of the shell mounds and concluded that they dated beyond all doubt from the Middle Stone Age. In addition to the shells of oysters, mussels and cockles the mounds included those of crustaceans and snails, the bones offish, ducks and other birds, particularly sea birds, and those of seals, dolphins, deer, wild pig, lynxes, wolves and smaller mammals. Some had apparently been gnawed by dogs, from which Johannes Steenstrup deduced that the inhabitants of the period had owned domesticated canines. The implements were of stone, horn or antler; none of the sites contained either metal objects or any indication of the contemporary existence of agriculture or pastoral life.
The Danish kjokkenmoddingen (' kitchen middens') have an antiquity of seven thousand years, a period when the North Sea was encroaching on the land and Denmark was finally separated from Sweden. Nor are those piles unique; the concheros of Spain and Portugal, the sambaquis of Brazil, the monticules along the coasts of South Africa, Australia and Japan all show that the inhabitants of the land masses settled everywhere by the sea and fed upon the creatures of the beaches. It is clear that the people of the shell mounds did not live entirely upon molluscs; they fished, gathered fruit and berries too, and, like their forbears, hunted in the coastal forests. The new fact is that they scarcely left the littoral; squatting there they built shelters and huts, and thus from generation to generation refuse—shells, bones—piled up close by the settlements. Some of the mounds were raised over a period of a thousand years.
Archaeology has revealed also that men who fished and hunted reached the coast of northern Scandinavia and settled along the shoreline when the sea level was several hundred feet above its present level—perhaps as early as 7000 b.c. The remains of this Komsa culture (which lasted several thousand years) so far discovered are confined to stone tools and implements, but these include arrowheads and axes. Where did these people come from?
Many theories have been put forward, assigning them origins in central Russia, Siberia or the north European plain, and postulating a variety of routes by which tribes trekked through forests or down rivers to reach the Arctic coast. Professor Anders Hagen,* however, summarizing the evidence with proper caution, infers that 'these tribes of Finnmark were the most northerly of all the known groups of the Early Stone Age', and that they may more plausibly be associated with the contemporary or earlier coastal settlements of the hunting-fishing Fosna culture numerous around the fjords north and south of Trondheim. Hence, a coastwise route up the length of Norway to the Arctic seems the most probable.
It is reasonable to conclude that, as the ice withdrew, men of the post-glacial period followed the herds of wild animals as these slowly moved north with the shifting belts of vegetation. People who had lived by hunting the creatures of the tundra, such as reindeer, would not readily adapt to forest living, and in any case there was no sudden change in conditions. Did these Old Stone Age people already have boats? It is tempting to think so. Among the rock carvings of Scandinavia, generally ascribed to an unspecified period in the Stone Age, is a group at Tysfjord, south of Narvik, showing reindeer and other animals and the unmistakable outline of a whale, about twenty-five feet long. The question arises: was man capable of hunting the whale in the Early Stone Age?
Such hunting cannot, of course, be thought of apart from boats. Rock engravings have been found in which figure small primitive craft, whales, dolphins and seals. In shape these boats are suggestive of the umiaks, or skin boats, manned by Eskimo women. The first, or at least early, colonists of the Norwegian and Arctic coasts could have made them from reindeer skins stretched over a framework of wood. If, in such fragile boats, they ventured into the ocean and harpooned the mammals of the sea, the first stage of the conquest by man of the ocean, so fraught with consequences, may date back beyond the Mesolithic shell-mound period.
1.4.2 Star Carr
The many lakes left in the wake of retreating ice-sheets have often provided good conditions for the preservation of archaeological and environmental evidence. They were widespread in prehistoric northern Europe, surviving now as peat-filled basins with perhaps a much reduced central body of water. The people who settled their shores between 10 000 and 5000 years ago did so as foragers, living off wild plants and animals and moving to exploit different seasons of the year. The evidence suggests that lakesides may have provided a focus to settlement, a place to return to and to inhabit for longer than elsewhere, a place where a range of activities took place, leaving a varied archaeological record.
Star Carr was one such settlement. Excavated by Grahame Clark, with environmental work carried out by Harry Godwin, the evidence from Star Carr was soon established and has since undergone many re-interpretations by scholars around the world. The site was on the shore of a freshwater lake in what is now the Vale of Pickering in northern England, and it was occupied early in the Mesolithic, at least 10000 years ago. The lake was fringed with reeds, and birch and pine grew on the surrounding dry land.   What was preserved at Star Carr was not the centre of a settlement but its waterside edge, along with the occupation debris which spilled over from the activities carried out there. The shoreline was consolidated with wood, mostly brushwood and small birch trees. Some of the trees were no doubt felled by people using the small flint axe and adze blades found on the site, but recent research has shown that other trees bore beaver tooth marks and had been felled by those industrious animals. It is quite likely that the Star Carr humans took advantage of the wood from a beaver lodge or dam when organizing their own settlement. They may have deliberately chosen a beaver clearing because such places are often full of chopped-up dead wood handy for fuel and are attractive to game such as elk and deer because of the quantity of young shoots which spring up from the stumps of beaver-felled trees. The remains of a birchwood paddle suggest that people ventured onto the lake, but otherwise no recognizable wooden objects were recovered from Star Carr.
1.4.3 Sweet Track
graphic
The Sweet Track: Somerset Levels
The Bronze Age trackways of the Somerset Levels come from a relatively small area of peat. This area was dominated by reeds with occasional fenwood when the first trackway was built around 6000 years ago, and largely raised bog by the end of the prehistoric period. Many different structures and diverse stray finds have been recorded (Coles and Coles 1986, Somerset Levels Project 1975-89), leading to a relatively detailed knowledge of environmental change and human activity from the Neolithic to the end of the Iron Age. One structure stands out from the others for its age, its design and the wealth of associated environmental and artefactual evidence. This is the Sweet Track, discovered in 1970 and excavated and analysed by members of the Somerset Levels Project in the following years. It has been named after the man who discovered it, Mr Ray Sweet.
The Sweet Track was a raised walkway, built about 3800 BC to cross nearly 2 km of reed swamp that lay between dry land and a mid-marsh island. Its single plank walkway was held about 40 cm above the soft ground surface by pairs and groups of obliquely crossed pegs retained by a ground-level rail (plate 5.4). Oak, ash and lime were used for planks, and almost all the common species of a mixed oak forest were exploited for the pegs and rails. The straight uniform growth of much of the roundwood used for these supporting timbers is indicative of coppiced growth, either fortuitously sprung from the stumps of felled trees and shrubs or perhaps already produced by some system of forest management akin to that practised by contemporaries at Hornstaad-Hornle I. The external evidence for coppicing is supported by analysis of the tree-rings, which has been particularly fruitful for the Sweet Track (Morgan 1988). Oak, ash and hazel have all added to the understanding of the structure. Hazel and ash growth patterns, like those of the oak, indicate that the bulk of the wood was felled in one season and a few pieces were added as repair timbers in the next 11 years, but no evidence has been found for repairs at a later date. This suggests that the track was in use for a little over a decade, an interpretation supported by examination of fungal attack on the wood, which was not advanced.
The oak timbers used for planks came from mature trees at least four centuries old, except for a short stretch at the southern end of the track were split radially to provide planks wide enough for the walkway (30-50 cm). The younger trees had to be split across the centre to give planks of a similar width, and it is noteworthy that this could be achieved with the technology of the time when timber-working depended on stone axes and wooden wedges and mallets. The evidence for two stands of timber of different ages implies mature primary forest on the central island and younger woodlands at the southern end, with perhaps an early episode of forest clearance followed by regeneration 120 years before renewed clearance took place to build the trackway. The earlier clearance is not evident in the pollen record, but the one associated with the track building can be identified. The indicators of cultivation are stronger near the southern terminal of the Sweet Track than near the northern end where it abuts the central island.
The reed swamp traversed by the trackway was not altogether uniform. Analyses of pollen, plant macrofossils and beetles from a central area (Caseldine 1984, Girling 1984) indicate particularly wet conditions, with an abundance of aquatic plants and insects. There was also the raft spider (Dolomedes) which hunts small fish and insects in permanent bodies of water. At this point the trackway substructure had been reinforced during initial building, and repair wood was subsequently added. All the signs are of a difficult area, although no evidence was found for special treatment along the lines noted for the Wittemoor trackway.
The Sweet Track was merely a footpath, barely 20-30 cm wide, stretching away through high reed beds which masked the ends once a traveller had begun his or her walk. Hazards of high water, obscuring reeds, slippery wet planks and projecting pegs all combined to make the walkway precarious. Passing places for chance encounters have not been found. Hence, along the line there is the debris of passing traffic. Flint flakes, unmoved since loss and cushioned by the peat, lie along the track sides. Some were used to cut wood, others for reeds and other plants, and a single flake was used to cut hide. Arrowheads of flint point to hunting expeditions: traces of glue or of arrowshafts or of binding string were preserved on several of them, and a number of bow fragments were also recovered. A fine flint axe and a jadeite axe- head were found beside the track timbers. These two unhafted unused axe-heads suggest either accidental losses or deliberate acts of deposition for a purpose unknown to us. Pottery found along the track included heaps of sherds making almost complete pots, accidentally broken by clumsy travellers; in one case, a pot had held hazelnuts, and in another a wooden spurtle or stirrer was being carried along with, perhaps, gruel. Other artefacts round along the track line represent other objects discarded during use in the swamp. Bows, digging sticks, spades or paddles, wedges, handles, pins, a spoon, a mattock, a comb, toggles and a carved bowl are in no way spectacular or even carefully fashioned; they are the common variety of artefacts that have perished on contemporary dryland sites. Everything found on, in or beside the track was contemporary. This is not archaeological contemporaneity, which may with luck be only a century, but more likely a quarter millennium in duration, but it is real time. Everything, artefacts of stone, flint, pottery, wooden planks and pegs, the swamp teeming with wildlife, and the forests, fields and coppices on the drey land around was in exi9stence and in operation all at one moment in time.  One group of unnamed Bronze Age people saw it and were a part of it.  They and their settlement perished, leaving only their footpath through the local wilderness as witness to their presence.