In the spring of 1453 over 100,000 Turkish troops laid siege to Constantinople, and
on 28 May the
Sultan Mehmed II, afterwards referred to as 'Mehmed the Conqueror', finally captured the city.
He had hired a Hungarian gunmaker who built him a cannon that sent a ball flying a
full mile.
In 1453, the sultan fired that gun, nicknamed Mahometta, at the Byzantine capital's
ramparts and
kept firing. Like so many of these giants, this cannon cracked after the second day and became
unusable after a week. But Mehmet had other big guns. After 54 days of pounding, the 1,000-year-
old Byzantine Empire, a victim of technological advance, finally fell.
Traditionally the fall of Constantinople has been seen as a catastrophe for Christianity
and many
contemporary church leaders were horrified by the news. The renowned humanist scholar Aeneas
Silvius Piccolomini (later Pope Pius II) wrote to Pope Nicholas V:
But what is that terrible news recently reported about Constantinople? ... Who can
doubt that the
Turks will vent their wrath upon the churches of God? I grieve that the world's most famous temple,
Hagia Sophia, will be destroyed or defiled. I grieve that countless basilicas of the saints, marvels
of
architecture, will fall in ruins or be subjected to the defilements of Mohammed. What can I say
about the books without number there which are not yet known in Italy? Alas, how many names of
great men will now perish? This will be a second death to Homer and a second destruction of Plato.'
As the capital of the Byzantine Empire, Constantinople was one of the last connections
between
the world of classical Rome and 15th-century Italy. It acted as a conduit for the recovery of much of
the learning of classical culture. Piccolomini saw the city's fall as a repeat of the fall of the Roman
Empire itself, its culture, learning, and architecture destroyed by the 'barbarian'
Many European powers saw Mehmed's rise to power as an opportunity rather than a catastrophe.
Within months of the fall of Constantinople both Venice and Genoa sent envoys to successfully
renew trading relations with the city and the vastly enlarged Ottoman territories. By spring 1454
Venice had signed a peace treaty with Mehmed allowing it preferable commercial privileges. The
Venetian Doge insisted 'it is our intention to live in peace and friendship with the Turkish emperor'.
The resumption of amicable commercial relations was also matched by cultural and artistic
transactions. In 1461 Sigismondo Malatesta, the feared Lord of Rimini, sent his court artist Matteo
de' Pasti to Istanbul 'to paint and sculpt' the sultan, in the hope of formalizing a military alliance
with the Ottomans against Venice. The Italian architects Filarete and Michelozzo were also both
wooed by Mehmed as possible designers for his ambitious new palace, the Topkapi Saray, which,
according to one 16th-century Venetian ambassador, 'everyone acknowledges to be the most
beautiful, the most convenient, and most miraculous in the world'.
Rather than destroying the classical texts of the ancient world, Mehmed's library,
much of which
still remains in the Topkapi Saray in Istanbul, reveals that he coveted such books as zealously as
his Italian counterparts.