This remarkable rapid shift in ideas is bound up with social and economic developments
of
Christendom in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. They include the well-known growth of towns.
There is also the steady enrichment of the countryside. The water mill became a supplement to
animal power, introduced to several countries of northwest Christendom by the Cistercians and was
followed shortly by the windmill. The techniques of metallurgy and mining advanced. In many
regions, feudal control of the peasantry began to losing its force. The steady development of trade,
both south and north, in Italy and Flanders and on the Baltic coast, distributed textiles, rare
commodities, resources that enriched and knitted together the lands touched by it. A growing
money economy in the towns is one condition of that progress. Almost the only lands that are in
decay are southern Italy and southern France, both ruined by endless violence.
Elsewhere, enough new wealth was created to provide for all manner of crusades and
wars, with
enough over to allow of the extraordinary episode of cathedral building. A slowly growing population
supported banditry and wars and provided recruits to the towns and to the new mendicant orders.
Secular powers found it convenient to turn to bankers and money-changers to mobilize wealth for
some extravagant enterprise or other. Last but not least, these secular powers, whether king or
baron or municipality, were in fact becoming stronger, and larger.
The great increase in wealth of thirteenth-century towns and their guilds allowed
a spill-over of
resources into municipal building, often on a grand scale, decorated with Gothic styles and motifs.
The textile centres of north-west Europe offer many examples, such as the palatial Cloth Hall at
Ypres, of these kinds of civic project. Such buildings provided models for the Gothic Revival public
works of a heritage- minded nineteenth century. This fact alone illustrates the principle of how the
great visual characterising features of European culture have persisted so as to have a place in our
heritage.
Naturalism
is the term used to describe the pervasive climate of cultural awareness that seeped
into European life from the 1200s in the wake of the above economic changes. It was a world
dominated by Christian ideals and ideologies, comprising many segments of society, unrelated and
different from one another. Groups were all becoming aware of themselves as secular institutions
and the cultural novelties of naturalism are made possible by the steady underlying accumulation of
new urban populations and/or their resources.
The first images of nature as most people would recognise it emerged in European sculpture
within
the space of a few decades around 1200.
Up to then, the conventions of church sculpture have a general family likeness to
which we give the
name of Romanesque. This style has its origins in Constantinople. It spread into the West via
sixth-century Ravenna and the changing cultural norms of the ninth-century Carolingian kingdom.
Romanesque sculpture is heavily stylised. This is evident in the gesture of a figure,
the rendering
of facial expression, the stiff posture of a divine judge, the patterning of drapery, the near-
abstraction of elaborate foliage or of mystic creatures adorning a pillar. It also has a heavily loaded
language, which is hieratic, symbolic, and not quite of this world. It tells us about supernatural
things, and the terms it uses are formalized to deliver sacred import. Nature, particular the human
form, is in fact transformed into mystic symbols, and representation is subordinated to moral
significance.
The new sculpture that emerges in the figures that decorate the cathedral of Chartres
bears
movingly human expressions. Gestures lose their stiffness; the folds of a robe flow not only
beautifully but in obedience to the laws of Nature. A leaf is recognizably a leaf of a known species
of tree and not an elaborate part of mystic ornamentation. These poses, faces, draperies, leaves,
are evidence that a craftsman is capturing the forms around him in a new way, and there are more
and more craftsmen following the fashion and developing it. The craftsmen gradually turn their
backs on an age-old tradition, adventuring into new language and presenting the viewers with a new
kind of everyday experience. For example, there is a contemporary Parisian story, written for the
urban man in the street, about two countryfolk who have come to see the statuary at Notre- Dame.
One says to the other in his patois, 'Look! That's King Pepin! There's Charlemagne!' and as they
stand absorbed, gazing upwards, a cutpurse relieves them of their savings. Such a glimpse of a
scene, which looks trivial, is in fact quite revealing. To begin with, the 'sightseers' in Paris are
carrying coins in a purse: a hundred years earlier the money economy is so little developed as to
make that detail unlikely. More to the point, before the thirteenth century no one, clerk or rustic,
would have been expecting to look up at a church and see on it a row of historical figures
representing, and looking like heroes of the age and not merely symbolic figures.
The first piece of profane literature which presents naturalism in a striking way
is Jean de Meung's
famous continuation (1275) of the Roman de la Rose—a poem written by Guillaume de Lorris in
Paris in 1235. In its original form it is an allegory of love. Jean de Meung transforms the original
intention of the poem when he adds his fourteen thousand extra lines. Instead of an allegory of
refined courtesy, he gives us a philosophy in which 'Nature' is personified as really the creator and
mover of all things. The potency of Nature is closely woven in with the theme of generation—
sexuality. The modern expression is of this medieval justaposition is Carl Orf's musical
extravaganza, Carmina Burana.
At a slightly earlier date, probably around 1220, St. Francis of Assisi, far away
from Paris,
composes his unforgettable rhapsodies to 'Brother Sun' and to the birds and beasts and beauties of
God's creation. We must suppose that an echo of this joy is carried across Christendom by some
at least of Francis's wandering band of followers, the Fraticelli.
A little earlier than Francis's hymn, a quite different kind of person, Geoffroy de
Villehardouin, writes
his eyewitness chronicle of the Conquest of Constantinople (between 1205 and 1213). His book is
the first great work of historical prose to be written in French instead of Latin. Is this narrative
there
is evidence that public affairs are beginning to be seen in a more 'naturalist' way than formerly. In
common with many others of his day, he is prepared to stand his ground and offer his own reading
of the will of God. By the mid-thirteenth century, the Dominicans made it respectable to take a
curious interest in Nature.